Tuesday, February 8, 2011

Charlie wants to keep them furriners off our highways!


From SN-L political reporter Roseann Moring:
Rep. Charlie Denison, the chairman of the House Transportation Committee, said he plans to hold another hearing for a controversial bill that would make driver’s license tests administered in English only.

Denison, R-Springfield, kept on the schedule a hearing for the bill that occurred during the blizzard, when most Missourians could not arrive to testify.

So he said he’ll hold another hour of testimony next Tuesday, and the committee will vote on the bill immediately afterward.
Ah jeez, Charlie, who's gonna drive our cabs?

Just what did we get for our $14,500? A trip to the Ronald Reagan Museum and drinks at a happy hour? Oh yeah, we got a new definition of rape too.


I'll let Bungalow Bill fill you in:
Shortly after Billy Long won his seat to Congress, he began crying about having to take a pay cut.

In his first month in Congress, Billy Long made $14,500 plus expenses and a per diem. Who knows what perks he got from lobbyists, after all, Congressman Long decided to skip the reading of the Constitution to meet with a lobbyist. Let's not forget the broken foot that was injured on the campaign trail was covered as a pre-existing condition with his new Congressional benefits package as well.

So let's take a look at what Long did in his first month that delivered this nice size check into his pocket at the expense of the taxpayers. In his first month of Congress Long voted 21 times. He was not present for one vote. This totals $690 per button push. He introduced no legislation to the floor based on records using the Congress Android and iPhone Ap, and co-sponsored a bill that will increase the size of government and give the Department of Homeland Security more freedom-killing power.

But wait, of those votes, many of them were procedural votes that directed the debate or brought a bill to the floor for a vote. In Long's first month, he only voted twice for the passage of a bill. Which produces an eye opening $7,250 per vote on passage votes. Do you think he broke a sweat? Remember, this was a man who wanted the job, and then began complaining about the pay cut he was going to have to take to serve Southwest Missouri.

By all accounts, it appears Long has returned to the district once in this time, which was last weekend. Long has dedicated himself to the forces he once claimed he was fed up with, spending time with lobbyists and special interest groups, even traveling to California with the establishment. Long still hasn't addressed the media's questions about who is responsible and why his office decided to use the FBI to intimidate his most vocal critic.

Something I noticed about Billy Long during the campaign; he liked to compare himself to the Founding Father's vision of the citizen legislator that came to Washington and represented his district for a short period of time and then came back home to a normal life. What Mr. Long didn't tell you in those speeches is the citizen legislators our Founding Fathers envisioned also went to Washington without the promise of any salary. That's right, there was no such thing as a Congressional salary.

From 1789 to 1855, a member of Congress was paid a $6 per diem. Now Congress has their salaries, their expense accounts, and per diem. Yup, Congressman Long left out that little bit of information about the Founding Fathers as he tried to label himself as the vision of the Founders, and then griped about his pay cut.

Here's something I also want you to consider. Billy Long never laced up combat boots, instead he went to frat parties immediately after school and avoided any military commitment. An E-1 enlisting in the United States military at a time of war in 2011, which means they know when they enlist they are putting their lives on the line, makes $17,611.20 per year. That's right Congress critters like Billy Long, who showed no bravery as a young man and only wanted to serve his country in a suit and not boots, makes almost in one month what a young soldier willing to put his life on the line for his country makes in a year. Long had the nerve enough to complain about taking a pay cut. Really those numbers don't improve much for E-2, E-3, and E-4 ranks in the military either.

Long pushes a button and gets paid the big bucks and complains about his pay cut from his real world existence, while soldiers dodge bullets for much less to fight for the liberty and freedom Long's office attacked in their first month in Congress. I bet Billy Long wouldn't even have run for Congress if Congress was paid a soldiers salary and was forced to live in the conditions a soldier must live in.
In defense to Billy, he did do something while he was in Washington. He co-sponsored a couple of bills.
But I don't think he read them before he signed on to them.

One of the bills Billy co-sponsored re-defines rape and another one called the "Let Women Die" bill.

These two bills are raising some eyebrows in the 7th district and not from the regular Billy watchers. This is a post written by one of the people Billy would let die:
There's a new saying now among the cynical:

"If a woman is raped when no one is around, is she still raped?"

In 1976, Congress passed the Hyde Amendment which prohibits the use of federal funds in cases of abortions. At the moment, under Medicaid, abortions are covered by federal funds in cases of rape, incest, or if the woman's life is endangered. So the debate at the present is the "definition" of rape and how it impacts the use of these funds.

First and foremost, what the public needs to know (and this needs to be reiterated) is the Hyde Amendment forbids federally funded abortions (except in special cases like the ones mentioned above). This means that the government is not footing the bill by giving out abortions like popsicles from an ice cream truck. Much like any amendment, there are restrictions - such as a definition of rape.

Why is this issue arising? The "No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion" aims to "redefine" rape ("forcible" rape vs. "non-forcible" such as statutory rape and incest). In fact, its aim is to eliminate ANY federal funding to cover abortions, even in cases of "non-forcible" rape. So how does this bill promote any sort of woman's right?

It doesn't.

What it does do is take away a woman's right, her voice, her ability to overcome a trauma. The definition of rape is this: if a man forces himself on a woman by shoving his penis inside her vagina without consent, it is rape. If a woman is raped and wants an abortion, she should be able to have one without having to answer questions about the validity of her experience. That is insulting. If a woman becomes pregnant and wants to terminate her pregnancy, she should be able to exercise her Constitutional right. The Speaker Boehner isn't focusing on the real issues here. Furthermore, no one is "pro-abortion" - this is why activists are referred to as "pro-choice."

Rape is a horrific, life altering event. As such, "pro-lifers" are not necessarily pro-life if they are willing to dimish the quality of life for rape victims.
ps-- I thought Billy was out of the real estate/auction business.

Chairman Garrett Calls for Prompt Reform of GSEs While Preserving Vital Securitization

Rep. Scott Garrett (R-NJ) has called for the prompt reform of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac along the lines of what he calls the Cantor Rules after House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-VA). This would be a reform that increases transparency and decreases government exposure. In remarks at the American Securitization Forum, he said that these should be goals in initial decisions regarding GSE reform legislation. Rep. Garrett is Chair of the House Subcommittee on Capital Markets. Full House Committee Chair Spencer Bachus (R-ALA) strongly supports GSE reform legislation.

The first area to address is their portfolios.The combined retained portfolios of Fannie and Freddie are roughly $1.5 trillion. Through the earlier conservatorship agreement, the portfolios are set to decrease by a small percentage each year until they reach a certain set level. Chairman Garrett wants this to happen faster.

One of the risks associated with a $1.5 trillion mortgage book is it contains a significant amount of interest rate risk. As we begin to eventually head into a more volatile interest rate environment, he reasoned, it will become increasingly difficult to hedge a book that size against those movements. He also believes that there are significant unrealized gains in the portfolios that could be realized.

If you look more specifically at the GSEs’ book, he noted, half of it is actual agency mortgage-backed securities, another quarter of it is non-agency mortgage-backed securities, and the rest of the balance includes mortgage loans of all different types.

Some of the assets can be sold off more quickly; he said, others cannot because they are less liquid. The GSEs own different assets and there are specific markets for each of these assets. Congress will closely look at each of the portfolio components and figure out how to wind them down sooner to protect taxpayers.

Comparing what the government has done with Fannie and Freddie to what the FDIC would traditionally do when it takes over a bank, there is a wide discrepancy. The FDIC would normally come in and gain control of the assets and then get rid of them. If the FDIC had taken over the GSEs, he emphasized, they’d be liquidated.

It is also imperative to be completely honest and transparent with taxpayers and put both entities on the federal government’s budget. Currently, the federal government explicitly stands behind all of their securities and debt issuances, he said, and it is thus important to properly account for it.

Also, if the two entities are truly on-budget, he said, those increased budgetary pressures will force Congress and the Administration to deal with them and not let them continue on existing in perpetuity.

The Chairman believes securitization will play an integral part in, and be vital to, the resurrection of the U.S. mortgage market. Indeed, there cannot be a mortgage market of this size without securitization, which, if done correctly and with the proper incentives, can be a very significant part of the cure.

The securitization process, at its core, allows capital to flow more efficiently and effectively from investors to borrowers across the country and even across the world.
Because the securitization process is so vital to the movement of capital, Congress needs to ensure we have a viable and sustainable housing finance system for the future.

Sunday, February 6, 2011

Who is Jan Fisk and why is she saying all those nasty things about Cindy Rushefky?

On Friday a form letter from Jan Fisk was delivered to selected homes across Springfield.

Fisk was pleading for help and money in her zone 2 council race against the incumbent Cindy Rushefsky.

Among other things, Fisk had this to say: "My opponent has a track record of job-killing votes and has demonstrated little understanding about the 'nuts and bolts' planning and decision-making it takes to support job growth and development."

It gets nastier, as she hammers Cindy for her opposition to the Magers development scam: "Unlike my opponent, I will be a council person that works to establish an operational culture that welcomes entrepreneurs and job-creating projects -- instead of making them feel they are standing in front of a firing squad."

One might reasonably guess that the emergence of J. Howard's wife into the electoral world is an attempt to get him voice in two elected positions at the same time. Fisk is the president of the OTC board of trustees, so why not put his proxy on City Council?

What's next Howard? The state legislature?

Jeff Layman, a republican fundraiser and financial consultant is another OTC board rumored to have political aspirations. Recently Layman, who spent in excess of $20,000 for his seat, attended, with Billy Long, a reception at the White House hosted by President Obama for freshman legislators.

Sally Hargis, of Ozarks Coca-Cola and Dr. Pepper bottling company, is the treasurer of Fisk's campaign.

Saturday, February 5, 2011

These are the people who want you to die


From Violet Socks:
If you’re a pregnant woman, that is. You’ve probably read about the “Let Women Die” Act currently in the House; the bill would allow hospitals to simply refuse to provide emergency life-saving medical care to a pregnant woman if such care involves aborting the fetus. I was fascinated to see that the bill, which was introduced by Rep. Joe Pitts (R-Andromeda Galaxy), has 100 co-sponsors. One hundred! That’s almost one-fourth of the entire House of Representatives. Here they are:

Robert Aderholt [R-AL4]
Todd Akin [R-MO2]
Steve Austria [R-OH7]
Michele Bachmann [R-MN6]
Spencer Bachus [R-AL6]
Joe Barton [R-TX6]

Gus Bilirakis [R-FL9]
Diane Black [R-TN6]
Marsha Blackburn [R-TN7]
Kevin Brady [R-TX8]
Paul Broun [R-GA10]
Vern Buchanan [R-FL13]

Ann Marie Buerkle [R-NY25]
Michael Burgess [R-TX26]
Francisco Canseco [R-TX23]
John Carter [R-TX31]
Bill Cassidy [R-LA6]
Jason Chaffetz [R-UT3]

Mike Coffman [R-CO6]
Michael Conaway [R-TX11]
Jerry Costello [D-IL12]
Eric Crawford [R-AR1]
Mark Critz [D-PA12]
Geoff Davis [R-KY4]

Renee Ellmers [R-NC2]
Jeff Flake [R-AZ6]
John Fleming [R-LA4]
Bill Flores [R-TX17]
Jeffrey Fortenberry [R-NE1]
Scott Garrett [R-NJ5]

Bob Gibbs [R-OH18]
John Gingrey [R-GA11]
Louis Gohmert [R-TX1]
Samuel Graves [R-MO6]
Brett Guthrie [R-KY2]
Ralph Hall [R-TX4]

Gregg Harper [R-MS3]
Andy Harris [R-MD1]
Vicky Hartzler [R-MO4]
Tim Huelskamp [R-KS1]
Bill Huizenga [R-MI2]
Lynn Jenkins [R-KS2]

Timothy Johnson [R-IL15]
Walter Jones [R-NC3]
Jim Jordan [R-OH4]
Mike Kelly [R-PA3]
Jack Kingston [R-GA1]
Adam Kinzinger [R-IL11]

John Kline [R-MN2]
Doug Lamborn [R-CO5]
Leonard Lance [R-NJ7]
Thomas Latham [R-IA4]
Robert Latta [R-OH5]
Christopher Lee [R-NY26]

Daniel Lipinski [D-IL3]
Billy Long [R-MO7]
Blaine Luetkemeyer [R-MO9]
Daniel Lungren [R-CA3]
Donald Manzullo [R-IL16]
Kenny Marchant [R-TX24]

Michael McCaul [R-TX10]
Tom McClintock [R-CA4]
Thaddeus McCotter [R-MI11]
David McKinley [R-WV1]
Cathy McMorris Rodgers [R-WA5]
Candice Miller [R-MI10]

Jeff Miller [R-FL1]
Tim Murphy [R-PA18]
Randy Neugebauer [R-TX19]
Alan Nunnelee [R-MS1]
Pete Olson [R-TX22]
Ronald Paul [R-TX14]

Mike Pence [R-IN6]
Thomas Petri [R-WI6]
Ted Poe [R-TX2]
Mike Pompeo [R-KS4]
Phil Roe [R-TN1]
Harold Rogers [R-KY5]

Michael Rogers [R-AL3]
Michael Rogers [R-MI8]
Peter Roskam [R-IL6]
Dennis Ross [R-FL12]
Mike Ross [D-AR4]
Paul Ryan [R-WI1]

Steve Scalise [R-LA1]
Jean Schmidt [R-OH2]
Peter Sessions [R-TX32]
John Shimkus [R-IL19]
Heath Shuler [D-NC11]
William Shuster [R-PA9]

Christopher Smith [R-NJ4]
Lamar Smith [R-TX21]
Marlin Stutzman [R-IN3]
John Sullivan [R-OK1]
Lee Terry [R-NE2]
Glenn Thompson [R-PA5]

Frederick Upton [R-MI6]
Timothy Walberg [R-MI7]
Edward Whitfield [R-KY1]
Bill Young [R-FL10]
I mean to tell you, even Blake knows enough not to co-sponsor this bill!

Commissioner Casey Says Take Time with Dodd-Frank rulemaking, Examines Retroactivity Issue

Calling the Dodd-Frank Act arguably the most significant financial legislation in modern history, SEC Commissioner Kathleen Casey essentially asked Congress to extend some of the Act's rulemaking deadlines. In remarks at the PLI SEC Speaks seminar, she said that the legislation ushers in a breathtaking amount of changes that will result in a tectonic shift in the legal, regulatory and policy landscape affecting markets and the economy in a relatively short period of time. These changes touch every aspect of the financial markets, from consumer credit to proprietary trading at financial firms, from OTC derivatives markets to securitization markets, and from private fund registration and regulation to corporate governance at public companies.

There is a concern that the SEC is not able to fully consider the rules it is adopting, and that short public comment periods imposed in an effort to comply with Dodd-Frank deadlines may undermine their very function of supporting and strengthening the confidence in the rules.As part of this, the cost-benefit analysis is also severely limited and potentially undermined. In turn, this may make the rules more susceptible to challenge on APA grounds, opined the Commissioner.

For these reasons, she urged Congress to consider these risks arising from the implementation of the law and, where appropriate, give regulators additional time to scale its regulatory mandates. Moreover, the same concerns counsel the SEC to focus at this point on only those Dodd-Frank rulemakings that are expressly required by the statute. Where the agency has been granted discretionary rulemaking authority, she noted. the SEC should be judicious in using this authority under circumstances that are not ideal for considered and thorough rulemaking.

In addition, the breadth of Dodd-Frank makes it increasingly important that policy makers stay mindful of the costs and effects that these regulations will have on the markets. The likely impact of Dodd-Frank will be enormous, and the costs not fully calcuable at this time. Given prior experience with Sarbanes-Oxley,the actual costs will prove substantially more significant than legislators and regulators have predicted. Given the unpredictability of these potential costs and effects, both direct and indirect, regulators should proceed very carefully and thoughtfully, and Congress should monitor the law’s implementation closely.


There is also the issue of retroactivity. Congress has periodically granted the Commission new authorities concerning the charges it may bring and the remedies it may seek or impose. Each time Congress does this, it raises a question as to whether the new authorities may be applied to conduct that pre-dated the enactment of the statute. In some instances, the answer may be obvious; however, in many instances, the issue of retroactivity can pose difficult legal and policy questions for the Commission.

The Supreme Court has opined on retroactivity on a number of occasions. Its leading case in this area is Landgraf v. USI Film Products, where the Court discussed the history and significance of the well-established legal presumption against interpreting statutes to have retroactive effect. The Court recognized that the general principle of anti-retroactivity is “deeply rooted in our jurisprudence, and embodies a legal doctrine centuries older than our Republic.”

Retroactive statutes raise particular concerns, said the Commissioner, since they can sweep away settled expectations suddenly and without individualized consideration.

The Landgraf Court went on to lay out an analytic framework for retroactivity cases. First, courts must look to the text of the statute to determine if Congress clearly expressed an intent to apply the provision retroactively; if so, then the inquiry is over. If not, then courts should ask whether the statute, if applied to pre-enactment conduct, “would impair rights a party possessed when he acted, increase a party’s liability for past conduct, or impose new duties with respect to transactions already completed.” Put another way, she noted, courts should ask “whether the new provision attaches new legal consequences to events completed before its enactment.” In conducting this analysis, it would be appropriate for courts to rely on “familiar considerations of fair notice, reasonable reliance, and settled expectations” to guide the inquiry.

Dodd-Frank gave the Commission all sorts of new authority, including in the Enforcement area, and the courts have yet to determine which provisions may be applied retroactively and which may not. Here are a few examples of such provisions:

Section 925 allowed the Commission to impose collateral suspensions and bars across all of the securities professions regulated by the Commission. This section also granted the Commission brand new authority to suspend or bar persons from associating with a municipal advisor or a nationally recognized statistical rating organization (NRSRO).

Section 926 disqualified offerings made by certain “bad actors” from relying on Regulation D as an exemption from registration.

Sections 929M, 929N, and 929O amended the Commission’s authority to bring actions for aiding-and-abetting violations by stating that “knowing or reckless” conduct would suffice to support such liability.

Section 929P granted the Commission authority to impose civil money penalties in all cease-and-desist (C&D) proceedings.
Section 929U imposed deadlines applying to investigation and examinations conducted by Commission staff.

The Enforcement Division has already procured settlements that include Dodd-Frank collateral bars, including the two new bars for which the Commission had no authority prior to Dodd-Frank: the municipal advisor and NRSRO bars.

The misconduct pre-dated the enactment of Dodd-Frank, raising the specter of retroactivity. By imposing the two new Dodd-Frank bars in this settled case, the Commission implied that it has the authority to impose these bars for pre-Act conduct. The more interesting question, however, said the Commissioner, is not how the Commission views its authority, but rather how the federal courts will.

Under the Landgraf framework, look first to whether Congress included a clear statement of retroactive intent in the text of the statute. Unfortunately, Section 925 says absolutely nothing in that regard. The next step in the Landgraf analysis asks whether the statute, if applied to pre-enactment conduct, “would impair rights a party possessed when he acted, increase a party’s liability for past conduct, or impose new duties with respect to transactions already completed” or “whether the new provision attaches new legal consequences to events completed before its enactment.” In doing so, one is guided by “familiar considerations of fair notice, reasonable reliance, and settled expectations.”

Take the hypothetical case of a broker who, prior to Dodd-Frank, confesses to having violated the securities laws. Before Dodd-Frank, the Commission could have imposed a broker-dealer bar on him based on, among other things, his association with a broker or dealer at the time of the misconduct. If that broker were later to associate with, or seek to associate with, an investment adviser, the Commission could have sought to bar him from the investment adviser profession as well. The same would have been true for the municipal securities dealer and transfer agent professions.

Thus, in the Commissioner's view, a person who violated the securities laws prior to Dodd-Frank should have understood that he could be suspended or barred from associating with a broker, dealer, investment adviser, municipal securities dealer, or transfer agent if and when he became associated with, or sought to be associated with, such an entity. One could therefore argue that imposing collateral broker, dealer, investment adviser, municipal securities dealer, or transfer agent bars under Dodd-Frank — based on pre-Dodd-Frank conduct — would not attach new legal consequences to pre-enactment conduct, but rather would merely accelerate the imposition of such consequences.